Spanish fame and shame: Manipulations of NGOs and Media

Posted: December 10, 2010 in Uncategorized
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By Tom Ndahiro[1]

In its history Spain will remember July 2010 as a month of fame and shame.  On July 11, for the first time, the country won the FIFA World Cup, in South Africa. Few days later, July 15, it was a shame when their Prime Minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero refused to meet President Paul Kagame.

Pierre Ausseuil, of Agence France-Presse (AFP) explains what happened in his article titled: ‘Protests make Spain’s PM skip meeting with Rwandan leader’ of July 16, 2010. The story says the Spanish Deputy Prime Minister, Maria Teresa Fernandez de He, told public television TVE that Zapatero was “sensitive” to the request he received from certain political parties to not meet Kagame, because of Spanish legal proceedings against 40 Rwandan officers relating to the 1994 genocide.”

In Madrid, Zapatero and Kagame were supposed to co-chair the first of the MDG Advocacy Group set up in June by the United Nations to advance the Millennium Development Goals, including the halving of extreme poverty by 2015.

What Zapatero did shall remain in the annals of history as a triumph of evil and falsehoods, and, above all, a great dishonour for his country. I was taken aback but not surprised. The prime minister’s decision was based on advice and pressure from genocide advocates and deniers and their perhaps gullible fellow-travellers.

The country came first in South Africa because of first-rate players, endurance, formidable training and skilful team work. Spain was brought into disrepute when the head of its government played and scored for the team of scoundrels, whose troupe includes genocide ideologues and their sympathisers.

Snubbing Kagame, Zapatero demonstrated his lack of sound judgement, as well as a systemic failure. The Spanish intelligence system ought to have informed the premier that his action would benefit the enemies of mankind, rather than earn him political capital. Zapatero’s action requires us consider whether world has  abandoned its resolve of  “Never Again” to genocide, and the reasons why the Spanish Government would behave as a tool of those who carried out, and seek to defend, the 1994 genocide.

I earlier said was taken aback.  This is because Zapatero seems to have been influenced by two ill-famed genocide enthusiasts, Juan Carrero and Bernat Vicens. The former is the president of an NGO called the S´Olivar Foundation, while the latter is the president of Human Rights of Mallorca. Both of them are from Mallorca, as is Zapatero. Carrero was cited by UN investigators in 2008 for his links to the genocidaires group called the FDLR.

On June 22, 2010 Carrero and Vicens published on their hate website “Inshuti” a document titled: ‘Zapatero will share U.N. honorary post with the criminal Kagame’.[2] The word “Inshuti,” is a Kinyarwanda word for ‘friend(s);’ in Kirundi it means ‘a close relative.’  Carrero, who seems to have influenced the Spanish Prime Minister to boycott President Kagame in Madrid and New York, is a great admirer of genocidaires. He denies the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) stopped the genocide against the Tutsis in 1994, but rather blames the organisation for causing “the flight of the legitimate Rwandan government.”[3]

The build-up of the genocidaires’ support team in Spain began in 1995 with individuals like Carrero, who have become active coordinators of the anti-Tutsi hate movement. This lobbying group has co-opted various NGOs, the judiciary, private lawyers, academics, city councils, and now, the central Spanish government.

In 1996, the ‘Inshuti’[4] as a pressure group formed what they called the “Co-ordinating group of solidarity action with Rwandan refugees,” with an aim to put “pressure on governments and international institutions” on behalf of their “friends”. In reality these are friends of evil.

The “Inshuti” website, which expresses the views of genocidaires and genocide deniers, was founded in Manresa, Catalonia (Spain) in April 1997.

A notice on the ‘Inshuti’ website says their principal task is “spreading news about what is happening in Great Lakes district of Africa, especially the massacres against the people” relying on “street and school campaigns, conferences, dossiers, the Internet, etc.”

The language is enlightening. When Inshuti was founded, the refugee camps were under the control of the genocidaires under the umbrella of a political party called the RDR. There is rejoicing in Carrero’s discourse following the leak of a UN report. In his publication of September 14, 2010, titled: The U.S. Kofi Annan And Ban Ki-­moon And Their Cover-­Up of Kagame’s Genocide in Rwanda and Congo” Carrero expressed similar denialist bigotry.[5]

On September 20, 2010, Spain based organisation called “Forum on Justice in the Great Lakes Region” organised a demonstration in Manhattan, New York. The protest march, lead by Carrero, and a Spanish senator called Pere Sampol was meant to pressure the United Nations’ Secretariat to publish, unedited, the United Nations’ draft report which accuses the Rwandan army, among others, of serious violations of Human rights, including genocide, in the DRC.  Sampol, is a virulent extremist.[6]


Old bigotry

The above mentioned organisation which is part of the “International Forum for the Truth and Justice in Africa of the Great Lakes Region” is another member of the civil society of “friends of evil”. According to one part of their propaganda machinery, they are the ones behind a “Lawsuit filed at Spain’s national court against high-ranking officials of the state of Rwanda.”[7]

According to this group, “top political-military leaders of the RPF are responsible for having planned and carried out systematic and selected killings, not only of the above-mentioned Spanish nationals, but also of Rwandans and Congolese between 1990 and 2004. Almost seven million people, mainly women and children, have died during this period.” Meaning the genocide is the responsibility of the RPF.

On this website they mentioned a few names as an introduction. Plaintiffs in this legal action are:

–       Victims and relatives of Spanish and Rwandan victims;

–       Hutu and Tutsi witnesses in exile who have been under protection until now; Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel;

–       U.S. Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney;

–       The City Councils of Manresa, Figueres and Navata;

–       “Nobel Peace Prize nominee” Juan Carrero Saralegui and several non-governmental national and international organizations. The National and NGOs organization as mentioned are “City Councils of Ayuntamientos de Figueres, Manresa and Navata”; Federación de Comités de Solidaridad con el África Negra de España (12 committees); Centro de Recursos de la Coordinadora d’ONG Solidàries (47 associations) and Associació Drets Humans de Mallorca.

The Hutu and Tutsi witnesses in exile are identified as:

–       Marie Béatrice Umutesi—“sociologist, writer, Rwandan victim and refugee;” an unnamed “5 Rwandan victims”, “Assistance Aux Victimes Des Conflits en Afrique Centrale” (AVICA);

–       “Association of Victims Pro Justitia;”

–       “Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité/ Centre for the Struggle against Impunity and Injustice”(CLIIR); and

–       Organization for Peace, Justice and Development in Rwanda (OPJDR).

Most of these organisations, from reliable documentary evidence, were created to defend genocidaires. This can be substantiated by a look into the background and circumstances that led to the creation of each organisation, into their major activities.


Racist and denialist CLIIR

The Centre for the Struggle against Impunity and Injustice (CLIIR) is an organization which claims to be against impunity. Its founder and the only person identified as a member and leader of the CLIIR, Joseph Matata, is a self-proclaimed defender of genocide ideology and genocidaires. In a Rwandan talk show we had on Radio CONTACT FM, on March 2, 2008, I told him that I could no longer host people like him, who deny the genocide against the Tutsi, and propagate and defend hate without scruple.

In 1994, when Matata was interviewed by Traits d’Union Rwanda, Issue No 5[8] where he said was convinced there were Rwandans who should be held accountable for the crime of genocide. However, since then he has been active in Arusha, before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and in countries like Belgium and Switzerland as a defence witness for genocidaires. He also appeared before a French court in Paris in defence of Pierre Péan, a bigot who says the Tutsi are liars by nature. It was Matata who invented an insulting definition for the survivors of the genocide, whom he calls a “syndicate of liars” for denouncing genocidaires.  This was in 1995, in an article published in Dialogue, “Au Rwanda, des “syndicats de délateurs.”[9]

Matata claims that Tutsi orphans, widows, soldiers and others were mobilized or forced by the Kigali government to participate in these “syndicates of liars.”[10] He says the first nucleus of these “syndicates” was constituted by the RPF during and after the genocide when they had the first assembly points for the survivors.[11]

Within a year this document of CLIIR and Matata, had been quoted 14 times by SOS Rwanda-Burundi, in a document full of names of RPF members who should supposedly be prosecuted by the ICTR.[12]

On February 10, 1998, Matata, as defence witness for a genocidaire, Jean Paul Akayesu, told the ICTR that those indicted by the Rwandan courts and by the ICTR are accused on the basis of orchestrated testimony from so called “denunciation syndicates”[13] active in Rwanda. The same propaganda again appeared in a document published by SOS Rwanda-Burundi in January 2005.[14]

On September 3, 2008 the Belgian national Radio and Television Company (RTBF) aired a documentary by one of their journalists Marianne Klaric which had the title “Les génocidaires sont parmi nous” which literally means “the genocidaires are among us”.[15] The friends of evil were not happy, notably Matata.

In his memorandum, Matata on behalf of his centre and “friends” blamed the media for being manipulated by the extremist Tutsi in Kigali and the Anglo-Saxons. He claims that the world has been duped by the RPF and its supporters into believing the Hutu planned and carried out genocide against the Tutsi. He blames KLARIC for having produced the documentary under the influence of some Rwandan Tutsi survivors of genocide and the agents of the Rwanda’s Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI).[16]

In a 12 page document in 1997 titled: “ANALYSE DE LA SITUATION QUI PREVAUT AU RWANDA EN RAPPORT AVEC LA REPRESSION DU GENOCIDE, the “syndicates of liars” is mentioned six times.[17]

The same vitriolic discourse is in a 1998 memo, supposedly, for the US Government and Congress.[18] With his obsession of blaming genocide survivors and the government of Rwanda for all evils, Rwanda’s diplomatic missions are also named “bureaus (comptoirs) of lies, intrigues and disinformation.”

Typical of all genocidaires who do not recognise the post-genocide Rwandan government and its members as truly Rwandan, Matata quotes unnamed “former Rwandan diplomats” who allegedly told him that the Rwandan embassies or foreign missions do not represent the “Rwandan nation” but “an apartheid regime, and a group of mafia.”[19]

The same discourse is in Matata’s open letter to Madame Karine GERARD, Présidente de la Cour d’Assises de Bruxelles, on 20 June 2005, concerning the case against genocidaires Etienne NZABONIMANA and Samuel NDASHYIKIRWA.[20] The two were convicted by the Belgian justice.  In CLIIR’s COMMUNIQUE N° 88/2006, Matata reproduced most of the material found in Pierre Pean’s book, Noirs Fureurs/Blancs Menteurs.

In several footnotes and in the text, there is a recycling of the hate propaganda and vilifying of certain individuals who have been at the forefront in naming and shaming the genocidaires and their friends.[21]

Without quoting Matata, Charles Ndereyehe who happens to be a leader and an ideologue of genocidaires, invokes the “syndicates of liars” theme to call attention to the innocence of people who have been arrested and accused of genocide, in a paper entitled “The rule of law and human rights in the Great Lakes” which he presented to a conference organised by unspecified NGOs of Belgium, France, Germany and Holland.[22] Ndereyehe is now a naturalised Dutch.

This paper presented by Ndereyehe, was a compendium of the usual genocide denial themes—conspiracy theories like the “Hima Empire”, genocide being used by survivors as a commercial capital— and used as sources other friends of evil like James Gasana, SOS Rwanda-Burundi, and the CLIIR. Ndereyehe concludes his last paragraph that “civil society” is the redeemer and hope for their cause.[23]

In the same paper, Ndereyehe attacks the ICTR saying that since its establishment, “no RPF member has been tried before this international jurisdiction, despite the abundant double-checked and confirmed testimonies and trustworthy documents.” His only reference is “SOS-RWANDA-BURUNDI: Lists of members of RPF-Inkotanyi/RPA suspected of premeditating crimes against humanity which fall within the field of competence of the ICTR, Dossier nº 1, June 1998.” And, as mentioned above, the only source of information for SOS Rwanda-Burundi is Joseph Matata and his CLIIR, of which Matata signs every press release on behalf of an unknown membership.

Hate monger OPJDR

Analysis of the discourse of the “Organization for Peace, Justice, and Development in Rwanda” (OPJDR) shows that like the CLIIR, it was created to serve the interests of genocide forces.[24] OPJDR claims to be “a human rights organization based in the United States, (Delaware) with a focus on the Great Lakes region of Africa…to conduct fact-finding investigations into human rights abuses in the Great Lakes region of Africa, study and seek funding of small development projects to help refugees scattered in that region of Africa…get involved in the peace processes in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. Sustain contacts with Organizations, Churches, and Governments…”[25]

OPJDR also claims to have started in November 1995, with the aim of “assisting and providing information to the International Community for better assistance to refugees from the Great Lakes region.” Avoiding talking about genocide against the Tutsi, the OPJDR’s revisionism is apparent in its founding principles: “to counter the notion that human rights abuses by one side in the war in Rwanda were somehow more tolerable than abuses by the other side.”[26]

Dr. Félicien Kanyamibwa and Jean Marie Vianney Higiro are the founders of this organisation. Kanyamibwa lives in the State of New Jersey, USA, and works with a pharmaceutical company, Hoffman-La-Roche based in Nutley. Formerly Kanyamibwa was the Secretary General of the the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR)[27] before metamorphosing to become the secretary general of the Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-URUNANA).[28] Kanyamibwa and Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, at some point were at the top administration of the FDLR, the latter being the President.[29]

Ideologically, OPJDR toes the line of RDR and its sibling FDLR. It is an organisation led by people who are also leaders in armed movements with genocide links. OPJDR maintains close relationship with an American politician, Cynthia McKinney.

This former congresswoman served six terms as member of US House of representatives for the Democratic Party before her defeat in the year 2002. She became a US Presidential candidate in 2008, for the Green Party.[30]

McKinney’s association with “friends” like OPJDR and Carrero is clear and purposeful. In a letter of February 06, 2008 McKinney describes her association with these merchants of hate in a jubilant tone. “While in Congress, I was involved in truth-seeking in the role of the United States government and the United Nations in what the world knows as the Rwanda Genocide. … Forty members of the Rwandan Army have been indicted for genocide. And the judge found that the current President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, was complicit–although he enjoys immunity as a sitting Head of State. Here’s the story I just received from my friends in Spain and across Europe.”[31]

McKinney is a regular recipient of OPJDR communications. Copies of the below-mentioned letters were either, written or copied to her, as well as published on the website of “Inshuti”. There is a letter signed by Felicien Kanyamibwa and Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro where the OPJDR tells the recipients that former Rwandan Prime Minister Rwigema should be inadmissible for asylum under U.S immigration law given his alleged involvement in “a crime involving moral turpitude”, and “conduct that is defined as genocide for purposes of the International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.”[32]

Knowing that the signatories of the letter are active participants in a movement which promotes genocide denial and hate against Tutsi, it is startling to see how they advocate morality and good conduct. But whenever they mention the word genocide, beware: it is not against the Tutsi, but against the Hutu.

In another OPJDR letter to Cynthia McKinney dated February 13, 2001, the advocacy is to “Set up an international commission to investigate the genocide of Hutu committed by the RPF in Rwanda and DRC.”[33] Insinuating genocide, McKinney writes about “Killings targeting Hutus had been brought forth by this organisation.[34]

In a letter of March 21, 2002 to Mr. Okot Obbo, UNHCR Representative-Kenya, and copied to Cynthia McKinney and Kenneth Roth, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch, OPJDR declares: “To foreign observers Rwanda looks peaceful, but to Rwandans, the country is a jungle run by a brutal dictatorial regime that oppresses and kills people. Current Rwandan leaders use the genocide of Tutsis as its justification of the violation of human rights and international law.”[35]

In 2000, as Rwanda and the world were commemorating the genocide of the Tutsi for the sixth time, the OPJDR was blaming the crime on the RPF and anyone other than the actual perpetrators. They urged the “USA, the European Union, the UNDP, the World Bank” and other institutions, to stop funding the “genocidal and warmongering policy by the Rwandan government and its Rwandan Patriotic Army, whom they accused of “genocide against the Hutus” also condemning it for the persecution and “assassinations of certain Tutsis.”[36]

Blaming the RPF for genocide is clear in their discourse: “those responsible for the 1994 Rwandan tragedy–extermination policy against the Hutus… including the creation of concentration camps– persecution of Hutu leaders within the RPF-led government, just because of their ethnic background and –genocide against the Hutus.”[37] This denial of an established historical fact is joined with the denial that there are people who committed genocide. Most often, they say that most detainees are innocent and suffer only because they are Hutu: “The crime by most of them is to be from the ethnic Hutus.”[38]

On November 7, 1999, the OPJDR rejoiced when a leading genocidaire, Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, was wrongly released by the ICTR, on procedural grounds. With great pleasure OPJDR announced that “Barayagwiza cannot be prosecuted there or anywhere else if the international law is applied and his human rights are respected.  The case of Jean Bosco Barayagwiza has uncovered a can of worms of the injustice against Rwandans. At Arusha, most of the detainees were illegally arrested and abusively charged. Furthermore all the 150,000 prisoners in Rwanda were illegally arrested…”[39] Barayagwiza was later re-arrested, tried and convicted. He died in prison earlier this year.

The big lie is the OPJDR’s standard operating procedure, but they find little lies useful as well. In a 1998 propaganda piece entitled: “The nomination of a representative of the Rwandan Government to the ICTR is illegal, immoral and against Justice” the OPJDR asserted, that Louise Arbour, the former prosecutor for the international tribunal “was a victim of violence of militias and organizations close to the RPF government of Rwanda.”

The ICTR authorities denied that this happened. Another fib is where they write that signatories of this communiqué were in Arusha, whereas they were not. [40]

Carrero the Chief Bigot

Who is Carrero who managed to confuse the Spanish Premier? It was a question I asked myself because his name crops up almost everywhere you find the activism of Rwandan genocidaires, and people who create instability in the Great Lakes Region. Carrero was born on February 18, 1951 in Arjona, Spain. He studied philosophy at the university, and by the time he was 19, he and some friends established a commune on the S’Olivar farm in Mallorca. This would later be the place where his foundation is born.

Carrero is a flattered, if not unwitting tool at the service of genocide deniers and ideologues of hate. Carrero is described by his “Inshuti”[41] as a wise man, who has intelligently understood Central African realities, and therefore come to the side of the victims, aiming to “work towards reconciliation in Rwanda and towards making sure that an international lawsuit brings to justice the perpetrators of the genocide that took place in that African region and that justice is done to the victims.”[42]

Carrero describes himself as being driven by his spirituality. He cites Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mendela, and Jesus as people he tries to emulate. [43]

He boasts about his nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. Meanwhile, the Inshuti website, made it clear that his candidacy would give them, “the extraordinary possibility of disseminating an analysis of the African Great Lakes conflict that has been repeatedly silenced, ignored, even criminalized”.[44]

Though he is regarded, by some circles, as a non-violent activist, Carrero has become a spokesperson for those who have close links to people who committed the genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, many of whom are fugitives from justice, while retaining their ability to get their message out, through people like Carrero.

Carrero prides himself on being Spain’s third conscientious objector, and the founder and president of an NGO, S’Olivar Foundation, which provides or has become a platform for much of the rhetoric of genocide denial, as well as hate ideology against the Tutsi and the government of Rwanda, disseminated by the RDR and FDLR. Carrero has gained some legitimacy by courting high-powered “friends”, and by describing himself as a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000—though we shall see below how this nomination came about.

Carrero describes himself as the voice for those who have none. As he says, “I am convinced that my place is with the losers, in this case with the Rwandan ‘genocidalists’, who have been abandoned by almost everyone”.[45] He chooses to be their spokesman.

Looking at Carrero helps untangle the web of denialist ideology that continues to disseminate hate. He and many of his friends aim to gain legitimacy for their cause by distorting the history of what has happened in Rwanda and in the Africa’s GLR. They make use of much of the hate ideology being spewed by organizations like the RDR and sibling FDLR. The infamous Inshuti website features much of his writings.

The Inshuti website defends Carrero by claiming that that he “never negated either the French responsibility or that of the Interahamwe Hutu militia.” They just say he puts the events into context, since the issues of the French and the Interahamwe have been used “to cover up those of the United States government and its allies in the Central African Region.”[46]

This is a common trick used by deniers to give some sort of immunization to what they have to say. Carrero, and others like him want to indict the RPF as conspirators of the “genocide”, yet he and many like him deny much of the events of the genocide, and argue if there was one at all.[47]

The S’Olivar Foundation, which is based in a small Catholic community in the Mallorca valley of Estellencs, was founded in 1992, and calls itself a non-denominational cultural NGO, subscribing to the non-violence movement.[48]

It is crucial to look critically at the underlying mission of the S’Olivar Foundation and whom they represent. On their website, they ask, “how can we not endeavour to prevent new cases of genocide as terrible as those of Burundi, Rwanda and Zaire…”[49] The inclusion  of Zaire is a clear reference to the denial ideology put forth by the RDR, which charges the RPF with genocide against Hutu refugees there.

In his writing Carrero calls on citizens of the European Union, as well as members of what he refers to as the “so-called international community”[50] to understand their own responsibility in the tragedies of the region. “The EU is supplying the invading countries, which are ruled by dictatorships responsible for the genocide, with enormous financial aid.”[51] By this is meant Rwanda’s post-1994 government.

The Foundation says that it aims to, “awaken international public attention…to exert political pressure at the highest levels of world power… (for) these actions are in solidarity with the defenceless victims abandoned to their fate by an international community…”[52] The “defenceless victims” they talk about are in fact the genocidaires.

Given that it was problematic for the genocidaires who metamorphosed into the RDR to get direct access to international media, it was crucial for the RDR to have relays that would disseminate this rhetoric. Carrero and his foundation are proud spokesmen for the RDR.  And, it is no surprise to find that it was the RDR who launched and mobilised support for Carrero’s candidature for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Carrero’s Connections

The S’Olivar Foundation’s website and Carrero’s writings feature a great deal of name-dropping about prestigious persons who supposedly support him and his work. We wonder how many of these persons are aware of how their names are being used, particularly in light of Carrero’s rhetoric about Rwanda and genocide against the Tutsi. For example is Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel aware? Archbishop Desmond Tutu? Mikhail Gorbachev? His Holiness, the Dalai Lama?[53]

Many of the names he mentions appear in curiously ambiguous manner. It would appear that Carrero deceptively exploits various endorsements of pious aspects his work to garner additional support, and that in the end, many people give him support without knowing or understanding the dangerous and deceitful propaganda that Carrero disseminates with regard to Rwanda.

On the Inshuti website, there are extensive lists of those who supported Carrero for his Nobel Prize nomination. Many are probably oblivious to the threat that he poses to Rwanda, as well as the world at large, with the genocidal hate ideology that he preaches. It is obvious that the nomination was designed to further legitimize his perverse and nefarious ideology.

An Inshuti website letter supporting Carrero’s nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize claims that thanks to his previous work he had gained the support of “19 Nobel Prize winners, Commissioner Emma Bonino, the various political groups of the European Parliament and its President José María Gil-Robles, dozens of international personalities and hundreds of NGOs.”[54]

From the Inshuti website is a list of some of his supporters for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000, broken up into several categories.[55]

All in all, the letter claims that over 4,500 people supported Carrero’s nomination.[56] There are reasons to remain sceptical as to whether the listed individuals and associations were aware that they had been dragged onto the bandwagon of genocide exponents.

Carrero’s Foundation always talks about its powerful connections. In 1996 the Foundation submitted a petition apparently signed by six Nobel Prize winners to the European Parliament in Brussels, where they met with leaders of several political groups, as well as various Members of Parliament.[57]

The Foundation’s website boasts several pictures of influential people. Many of those pictured are actual supporters of their cause such as Mrs. Merce Amer, the Mallorcan Councillor. You also have others who are apparently trying to get closer to what the Foundation seemingly stands for, like Mr. Matutes, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs,[58] or the President of Amnesty International.[59]

In the beginning of 1997 the Foundation demonstrated in front of the European Union Council of Ministers as well as the US Embassy in Madrid, with the “Nobel Prize winners” and Ms. Emma Bonino, who is mentioned throughout Carrero’s writings. The demonstrations also included “international personalities and hundreds of NGOs”, the Foundation claims. This petitioning is said to have gone in tandem with a fast that lasted 42 days, and “it finally ended by measures approved by the European ministers.”[60]

Carrero also quotes Christopher Hakizabera, at one time one of the leaders of the FDLR and a known genocide ideologue. Carrero describes the work that Hakizabera does as valuable, and links his name to other “worthy” writers such as Desouter, Overdulve and Cohen. The magazine Mundo Negro published some of Hakizabera’s writings in April of 2000. This piece in Mundo Negro claims to illuminate the “criminal elements” of the RPF. Hakizabera talks about the regretful gullibility of international organizations when faced with what he calls the “Machiavellian RPF”.  He continues by questioning “THE” genocide, and implies exaggeration of the atrocities.[61]

Carrero over and over again prides himself on being nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, but what is interesting is to know who nominated him. The nomination was done by those who his organisation refers to as “most important leaders of the Rwandan resistance, and the Nobel Peace Laureate Adolfo Perez Esquivel.”[62]


To be precise, his organisation acknowledges:

“This nomination can be considered to be that of the ‘Rwandan people’ and of many other Africans of the Great Lakes. For this reason the list of supporters is headed by important African collectives, amongst which stand out the Lobby for the Return of Refugees and Democracy in Rwanda (RDR), the world’s major organisation of exiled Rwandans, the Rwandan communities of East Africa, of the Coast of Marfil, of Toulouse, the Burundian community of Canada, and the Organisation for Peace, Justice and Development in Rwanda.”[63]

Perpetrators of genocide against Tutsis have been trying, and to some extent have succeeded, to present themselves as victims of international conspiracy and genocide. Without a doubt, Carrero was nominated by the Hutu extremists he calls the “Rwandan resistance,” to represent and fight for their cause and to be a “media figure to lead a media campaign.”[64]

Carrero successfully disseminates the hate ideology of those that should have been rightly silenced. Whenever he talks about stopping genocide, and perpetrators of genocide, I am strongly convinced that some if not many in his audience hardly realize he is on the side of the very people responsible for those crimes, and against those who fought it and still fight it. If people knew this truth, there would have been cases of protest against his bigotry. The Spanish central government, like many others in the world, are victim of such falsehoods.


Wrapping up

The meaning of media of mass communications, as it is understood today takes account of traditional printed newspapers, magazines and journals, as well as the electronic resources like radio, television and the Internet. All are available in the developed world, whereas the radio and sometimes newsprint and internet shape the public opinion in our developing world. Unrelenting propaganda is required to mobilize violence on a grand scale. Crimes against humanity, and especially genocide, need the proliferation of vitriolic propaganda and disinformation throughout the general public to reinforce main rousing viewpoints.

Anonymity has empowered hate-mongers in the media especially on the online comments, unprofessional articles and radio broadcasts also podcasts. It allows them to write things they can’t allow their names to be associated. The faceless or masked people do not mind spewing libel, lies and hate-filled remarks pollute the pool of online discourse which lacks self control. The worst thing is when anonymous venom finds way or space in news stories, features and columns to be consumed by unsuspecting readers or viewers. They even find space in inter-governmental organizations including the UN. In this presentation I just dealt with known cases whereby the sources are known, and NGOs role in souring relations between leaders and nations. Prof. William Schabas reminds us, “Genocide is prepared with propaganda, a bombardment of lies and hatred directed against the targeted group, and aimed at preparing the “willing executioners” for the atrocious tasks they will be asked to perform.”

Something has to be done to have a durable Peace/Amani/Amahoro in our region.

I Thank You

[1] Presented in a regional parliamentary body “Amani Forum, Kigali-November 19, 2010


[3] Juan Carrero Saralegui, ‘Paul Kagame – did he really stop the genocide?’ Mallorca, Spain August 12, 2010 See:

[5] Juan Carrero Saralegui, ‘A Long-­Standing Code of Silence Inside the U.N. is Coming to An End Regarding  What Is Probably The Largest Genocide Ever Since the U.N. Founding: The Genocide Committed By The Rwandan Patriotic Front Since 1990’ Mallorca, Spain –September 14,2010

[6] Senator Pere Sampol’s question to Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Ángel Moratinos on July 20 2010

[8] This Magazine was financed by various NGOs in Europe, explicitly to rehabilitate genocidaires

[9] Revue- Dialogue, Octobre-Novembre  1995

[10] “Aujourd’hui sous le nouveau régime rwandais, des veufs, des orphelins, des militaires, des miliciens tutsi et des simples citoyens ont été sensibilisés (pour certains rescapés du génocide), forcés (pour d’autres rescapés de la guerre et la répression aveugle qui perdure encore), encouragés et sollicités pour se constituer en “associations ou syndicats de délateurs“. Ces “Syndicats de délateurs” sont couramment utilisés dans la constitution de faux témoignages et …intimider et éliminer des éventuels et futurs opposants au nouveau régime “pro-tutsi”. CLIIR, COMMUNIQUE n° 1/96 Rwanda: MISE EN GARDE CONTRE “LES SYNDICATS DE DELATEURS” Jodoigne, 8 May 1996

[11] Les premiers noyaux des sont apparus pendant le génocide et les massacres dans les camps de “rassemblement de la population rescapée”. CLIIR,“Rwanda:  Les syndicats de delateurs” Bruxelles, Mai 1997 In this document, the expression syndicats de délateurs appears 21 times. Source:



[14] It has a title: “LE RWANDA 2004 FACE A LA DECLARATION UNIVERSELLE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME” On pages 48, 63, 67 and 68,

[15] Mémorandum adressé le 12 septembre 2008 aux responsables de la RTBF pour protester contre la campagne de délation et d’étouffement de la vérité. Joseph Matata, Bruxelles, le 12 septembre 2008. The document is available on or[tt_news]=236&cHash=ecb0e0e432

[16] Ibid. He says in French, “En regardant le reportage que Madame KLARIC a réalisé en Belgique et au Rwanda sous le haut patronage de quelques rescapés Tutsis du génocide rwandais et des agents de la DMI,… »

[17] CLIIR Communiqué n° 10/97 du 25 mars 1997

[18]CLIIR, Memorandum adressé au Gouvernement et au Congrès américains le 3 juillet 1998

[19] “…la Junte militaire du Général KAGAME a déguisé les missions diplomatiques rwandaises en ” comptoirs ” de mensonges, intrigues, désinformation, repaires des commandos chargés de la chasse à l’homme et aux opposants politiques. ” Les ambassades rwandaises ne représentent plus la nation rwandaise, mais une idéologie ethnisante d’extrême droite, un régime de l’apartheid, un groupe mafieux “. Available on CLIIR, Mémorandum adressé au Gouvernement et au Parlement Belge à l’occasion de la visite au Rwanda du Premier Ministre, du Vice-Premier et Ministre Louis Michel et du Ministre de la Défense

[21] See:“Les héros du génocide rwandais sont assassinés, emprisonnés et persécutés au lieu d’avoir des médailles: Le Cas du prêtre Wenceslas MUNYESHYAKA diabolisé injustement” Matata Joseph, Bruxelles, le  9 janvier 2006 See: For more links of family and friends of evil go to and on[tt_news]=66&cHash=ecb0e0e432 and

[22] See: L’ETAT DE DROIT ET LA SITUATION DES DROITS DE L’HOMME  EN AFRIQUE DES GRANDS LACS: Etude de cas sur le RWANDA dans  la  conférence  sur  :  “TOLERANCE  ET RESOLUTIONS DES CONFLITS EN AFRIQUE CENTRALE” organisée par les Asbl de l’Allemagne , Belgique, France et Hollande à Bruxelles le 3 Juillet 1999

[23] Ibid. Les forces démocratiques de l’Afrique Centrale, organisations politiques ou Société Civile, doivent s’unir pour mobiliser les peuples de cette région et les éduquer à l’exercice de leurs droits. In the language of the likes of Ndereyehe, “democratic forces” and “people” means Hutu.

[24] Most of their propaganda materials are found on RDR websites like or

[27] See, for example: COMMUNIQUE SE/N°04/JUL/2003 “Simulation of rebel attacks by the Rwandan Government” which Kanyamibwa signed as the Secretary General of FDLR on July 28, 2003. It is available on and

[28] One example is where; on September 1, 2007 he signed a Press Release NR RUD/SG/09/01urging the government of the DRC to engage the government of Rwanda to negotiate with the armed opposition groups. Available on

[29] Communiqué n°: 02/PP/Juin/04 signed on June 10, 2004, by Anastase Munyandekwe

[31] Cynthia McKinney Celebrates: Kagame charged in Spain. A letter by Cynthia McKinney February 06, 2008 See.

[32] “Mr. Pierre Celestin Rwigema owes the World an explanation for crimes committed by his Rwandan Government.” July 29, 2000

[33] General Kagame’s visit to the United STATES AND THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND

[34] The RPF local defence units massacre Hutu civilians in Rwanda— June 25, 2000

[35] The letter with a theme GREAT LAKES REGION REFUGEES LIVING In KENYA and signed by Japhet Mwizerwa is available on Note: This phrase, as it is without change, had been written to another personality and copied to McKinney and Roth. See: Forced repatriation of Rwandan refugees living in Tanzania, March 5,2002

[36] Rwandans Commemorate Six Years of Extermination, Exile, and Despair April 7, 2000

[37] The OAU-IPEP report: too much carrot and not enough stick for the criminal Rwandan Patriotic Front government July 13, 2000 . in their previous communication They said this anniversary was a  reminder to  the international community that “the tragedy in Rwanda and the Great Lakes Region has been going on since October 1, 1990 with the invasion of Rwanda by the elements of the National Resistance Army of Uganda.  And, the RPF government, responsible for the massacres.

See: Rwanda: a very sad anniversary, July 2, 2000 Available on

[38] The freedom of Misago must open the doors of Rwandan prisons, June180, 200

[39] Jean Bosco Barayagwiza: The Epitome of Injustice in Rwanda  (OPJDR), Arusha November 7, 1999 Also on

[40] Signed by Felicien Kanyamibwa Claiming to be in Arusha— October 31, 1999

[41] His spin doctors say “For many of the most lucid scholars of the situation in the African Great Lakes region, Juan Carrero is a face of the suffering of the victims in the Great Lakes region, and the voice of the thousands and thousands of African brothers and sisters who suffer the greed and lust for power of a minority in this area and their non-African allies. See: Campaign for the nomination of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace Prize of the year 2000 by Committee for the Nobel Peace Prize 2000 for Juan Carrero Saralegui Mallorca (Spain)June 1999 on

[42] Ibid, “Spirituality, Non-Violence  …

[43] Ibid;

[44] Inshuti. (1999, November 19). Letter of Support to the candidature of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace prize of the year 2000. Manresa, Catalonia, Spain.,

[45] Carrero, J. (1997). The Reasons for an Acceptance. Mallorca: Foundation S’Olivar.

[46] Inshuti. (1999, November 19). Letter of Support to the candidature of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace prize of the year 2000. Manresa, Catalonia, Spain.,

[47] Inshuti. (1999, November 19). Letter of Support to the candidature of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace prize of the year 2000. Manresa, Catalonia, Spain.,

[48] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). The Birth of the Foundation.

[49] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). A Range of Aspirations and Activities.

[50] Casoliva, J. and Carrero, J. (2001, January 22). Ndadaye, Habyarimana, Ntaryamira, Kabila…Eight years, four Presidents assassinated. Avui Newspaper.,

[51] Casoliva, J. and Carrero, J. (2001, January 22). Ndadaye, Habyarimana, Ntaryamira, Kabila…Eight years, four Presidents assassinated. Avui Newspaper.,

[52] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). Solidarity.


[54] Inshuti. (1999, June). Campaign for the nomination of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace prize of the year 2000. Mallorca, Spain.,

[55]See: MESSAGES AND LETTERS OF SUPPORT TO THE CANDIDATURE OF JUAN CARRERO SARALEGUI FOR THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE OF THE YEAR 2000—By the Committee for the Nobel Peace Prize 2000 for Juan Carrero Saralegui Mallorca (Spain), July 2000. Available on

[56] Inshuti. (1999, June). Campaign for the nomination of Juan Carrero Saralegui for the Nobel Peace prize of the year 2000. Mallorca, Spain., Similar names and organisations are on on this weblink they say: “We have received many support letters; in this document we only enumerate SOME OF THEM that we consider more representatives. This selection has been realized to present a small document.”

[57] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). Activities in 1996. Also Joan Carrero’s SECOND LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES of  June 26, 1997 on

[58] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). Initial Activities.

[59] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). Activities in 1996.

[60] S’Olivar Foundation. (n.d.). Activities in 1997.

[61] Ibid. Saralegui, J. C. (2002). The Case of the Great Lakes Region..

[62] See:The Nobel Peace prize, an instrument at the service of the people, Bernat Vicens
Spokesman for the Nomination Committee December 17, 1999 on Also on

[63] The Nobel Peace prize, an instrument at the service of the people, Bernat Vicens
Spokesman for the Nomination Committee December 17, 1999 on Also on

[64] Ibid.

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